The Left Needs to Learn the Difference Between Imperfect Allies and Our True Opponents

If we take a moment to scrutinize the political landscape, we will see that the forces of concentrated wealth and power remain remarkably unified in their objectives.

The capitalist class, corporate media, and reactionary political structures do not waste their time in self-destructive squabbles. They understand their interests and act accordingly. They do not expect perfection from their allies; they expect sustained commitment. Meanwhile, the left—often fragmented, consumed by internecine conflict—directs its energies toward devouring itself, serving the very interests it claims to oppose.

Take, for instance, the hostility directed toward Bernie Sanders, one of the few elected officials with a genuine commitment to working people. Despite his lifelong advocacy for labor rights, healthcare, and economic justice—positions considered moderate by international standards—he is met with vitriol from both the right and, paradoxically, from segments of the left.

Some of his most ardent former supporters call him a "traitor" and a "fraud." Why? Because he endorsed Clinton and Biden instead of running third party. Or because he should have gone harder on them during the primaries. Or because he handled a protest at one of his rallies poorly.

Ultimately, it's because he's not perfect. He compromises, he operates within a system built to suppress radical change, and at times, he makes decisions that fall short of expectations. But what, precisely, is the alternative?

Bernie Sanders is one of the few allies we have in power. He's one of only 15 Senators who has voted to block arms sales to Israel and he often leads efforts to challenge the bi-partisan AIPAC consensus. The problem isn't Bernie Sanders. It's that there's only one of him, with only a handful of allies in power with him, like the Squad, instead of hundreds.

The Squad isn't perfect either, but wisdom is knowing the difference between imperfect allies and our true opponents.

We can't afford to tear down every politician that isn't able to single-handedly save us from the corrupt bi-partisan establishment, which has ruled for our entire lives. We need strength in numbers, not saviors.

A serious political movement does not prioritize purity over power. It does not reject alliances in favor of an imagined utopia where flawless candidates emerge fully formed, untainted by the realities of governance.

This is not how power functions. The ruling class, whether through corporate influence, military aggression, or state repression, is relentless in its pursuit of dominance. They do not ask whether their allies have made strategic missteps or failed to meet a theoretical standard of ideological purity. They consolidate power. They expand their reach. And they do so by ensuring that those who would challenge them are divided, demoralized, and, ideally, at each other's throats.

It is no accident that the corporate press and political establishment cultivate and amplify divisions within the left. The more energy activists expend attacking Sanders, AOC or anyone attempting to challenge the hegemony of corporate rule—the less they spend building alternative structures, organizing workers, and fighting the material conditions that sustain exploitation. The end result is predictable: movements collapse, disillusionment sets in, and the forces of reaction remain in control.

There is, of course, a long history of this tactic. The COINTELPRO operations of the FBI explicitly sought to "prevent the rise of a Black messiah" by infiltrating and fracturing the civil rights and Black liberation movements. Similar strategies were used against labor organizers, antiwar activists, and any force that posed a credible challenge to state and corporate power. The strategy was, and remains, simple: redirect energy away from collective struggle and toward internal conflict. Let the left destroy itself, and the ruling class need not lift a finger.

None of this is to say that criticism is unwarranted. A movement that does not engage in critical reflection is doomed to stagnation. But there is a fundamental difference between principled critique aimed at strengthening a movement and the kind of self-destructive infighting that leaves us weaker than when we started. The question must always be: Does this critique serve to advance the broader struggle, or does it simply demobilize and spread apathy among those around us?

The ruling class does not fear angry tweets. It does not fear ideological debates in isolated corners of the internet. It fears mass movements, organized labor, and genuine political realignment. The only way forward is to recognize the material realities of power, build alliances where possible, and act with the strategic discipline that our opponents so effectively deploy against us.

The choice is clear: We can either spend our time tearing down imperfect allies, ensuring that no meaningful opposition to the forces of capital and empire ever emerges, or we can recognize that history is made not by the righteous few but by the organized many.

How are we going to spend our time?

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10 Lessons for Building Stronger Movements

1. Imperfect Allies Aren’t Enemies
   We ourselves are not perfect allies. No one is. Stop treating every disagreement as a betrayal—real opposition comes from the corporate-owned politicians in both parties, not those fighting alongside us.

2. Critique to Build, Not Tear Down
   Criticism should strengthen movements, not divide them. We can critique allies while still respecting and appreciating their larger contributions to the movement. If it doesn’t move us forward, it’s just fueling infighting.

3. Organize, Don’t Just Argue
   Social media outrage doesn’t threaten power—mass movements do. Energy spent fighting online is energy not spent building real change.

4. Movements Win, Not Individuals
   Political victories come from collective power, not ideological purity. We don’t need saints—we need an organized, disciplined movement.

5. Perfection is the Enemy of Progress
   Waiting for the perfect leader, perfect plan, or perfect conditions ensures nothing ever happens. Change comes from action, not unattainable ideals.

6. Ego Kills Movements
   Prioritizing personal status, ideological superiority, or being “right” over winning collective battles is a fast track to irrelevance.

7. Play the Long Game
   The right builds institutions, funds media, and plays for decades. The left must think beyond the next election cycle and invest in long-term power.

8. Meet People Where They Are
   If we expect to persuade, we have to speak in language people understand—not lecture them on theory before they even know why it matters. Effective communication reaches beyond activists.

9. Power Doesn’t Care About Feelings
   The ruling class doesn’t care if you're morally outraged—it only cares if you're organized enough to challenge its control.

10. Division is a Weapon, Don't Play Along
    The ruling class doesn’t need to destroy the left when we do it ourselves. Recognize how media, state forces, and bad-faith actors sow division—and refuse to play along.

Bonus 11th lesson:

11. Don’t Self-Marginalize

-Power Isn’t Dirty – Rejecting all institutions as corrupt only ensures the left has no influence. Real change happens from both inside and outside the system.

-Build Bridges, Not Walls – Dismissing potential allies because they aren’t perfectly aligned weakens movements. Broad coalitions win; ideological purity tests lose. Trashing third party voters is as counter-productive as trashing Democrat or Republican voters. There are at least 80 million non-voters in America we should aim to win with good strategy and good policies.

-Use Every Tool Available – The right dominates media, law, and local politics because they play the game. The left can’t afford to sit out—it has to compete. The far right organizes to take power regardless of how corrupt the system currently is.

Tim Hjersted is the director and co-founder of Films For Action, an online library for people who want to change the world. He lives in Lawrence, KS.

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